The People’s Bank and Privatisation

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Bank of Bob

My first reaction to the news that the Commonwealth Bank had made a $9.67 billion profit was a typical champagne socialist rant.

What social justice reforms could we achieve with that kind of money? I fumed (something non-smokers rarely do). For perspective, CommBank’s profit is more than double the $4 billion allocated to the Federal Media, Arts and Sporting industries in the March budget.

It’s also twice the amount the Federal Government allocated to affordable housing in the same Budget. What I’m implying by these comparisons will matter not a jot to most of CommBank’s 800,000 shareholders. They are the ones who benefit most from the bank’s 4% dividend and its unrelenting capital growth.

If you’d accumulated 10,000 shares in the 1990s you’d be a millionaire now on that shareholding alone.

Almost all fund managers and investment advisers will tell you everyone should have at least one and preferably two major banks in their portfolios. Generous franked dividends, seemingly endless capital growth and ‘government-guaranteed-too-big-to-fail status’: reasons enough for most. All of the banks indulge in risky derivatives and hedge fund trading and support organisations that ethical investors avoid (mining, oil and gas, alcohol, tobacco, arms, gambling to name a few). But there’s no law against it.

Let’s climb into the DeLorean then and return not to the future but the past – 1991, an era that gave us “the recession we had to have and which ushered in a cavalcade of high-profile privatisations. Great Scott, Marty!

The Hawke/Keating Labor governments decided to offer government-owned institutions to the private investment market. CommBank, Telstra, the Commonwealth Serum Laboratory (CSL) and what we now know as Australia Post were among the biggest. At the time, the Commonwealth Bank was listed on the Australian share market and those who got in on the public float bought shares at an issue price of $5.40.

Last time I looked, CBA shares were trading at $100 and they have been as high as $110 in the past 12 months. The most recent dividend was $2.10, a yield of 4%, fully franked, which means investors get a tax rebate.

CommBank’s website offers a large slice of the institution’s history, from establishment in 1912 to present day. It’s a big number to get your head around, but what was once the People’s Bank has a market capitalisation of $172.64 billion. It employs 52,000 people.

Like all four of major banks (and some smaller ones) CommBank has not escaped scandal and opprobrium.

The Hayne Royal Commission into the banking sector in 2017 found widespread failures of governance and compliance in banks and other financial institutions. These lapses led to failures to detect and address misconduct, failures to report misconduct to the regulators in a timely manner, or even failing to report it at all.

Last year CommBank exited the discredited financial advice business, a sector which attracted a lot of the criticism within the banking inquiry.

The Australian Financial Review’s ‘wealth editor’ Alek Vicovich reported in October 2021 that CBA was closing down the last of its financial advice operations. CBA had previously operated its own financial planning subsidiary, Commonwealth Financial Planning, which employed full-time advisory and call centre staff. Other banks operated under the ‘dealer group’ model, which meant licensing self-employed companies to give advice. .

During the financial scandal-plagued 1980s, CommBank, like many others, lent money to entrepreneurs it should have been keeping a better eye on. As is always the case, large losses from bad loans are ‘written down’ and disappear forever from the balance sheet. Investigative financial journalist Michael West has written reams on the banking sector if you want to go down that particular rabbit hole.

The curious thing about a bank is that in its raw form it is simply a vault where customers keep their money. In the pre-privatisation era, the bank paid its customers interest on the money it safeguarded for them. Not a generous amount, mind you, but enough for generations to learn the value of thrift and establish savings habits. Then came privatisation. The bank still paid interest (as it also charged interest to customers who borrowed money to buy a house or build a business). Along the way (the Reserve Bank started keeping track of it in 1997), banks started charging a fee for service. In 2021 the total fees charged to household customers by all banks exceeded $1 billion.

As the RBA says, privatisation in Australia started in earnest with the sale of the first tranche of the Commonwealth Bank in 1991.

“The factor supporting its privatisation was the newly introduced capital adequacy guidelines for the banking industry. These meant that expansion by the bank would require increases in its equity base, which in turn would probably involve continuing calls on the Commonwealth budget.

Public Trading Enterprises (PTEs), have been sold at both the State and Federal levels of Government in Australia. Sales since 1990 of former Commonwealth assets totalled about $30 billion (including the first stage of the Telstra privatisation). State Government sell-offs raised a similar amount.

It’s a bit bewildering when you consider that this rampant capitalism was ushered in by a Federal Labor government and was oft-repeated at a State level, by Labor and Tory-led governments alike.

The market success of the Commonwealth Bank was replicated and then outdone by the public sale of the Commonwealth Serum Laboratory. In 2020, economist and prolific blogger Professor John Quiggin aired the latest instalment of what he calls “The strange case of CSL – paying for what we used to own”.

Prof Quiggin makes the point that the Federal Government was about to shell out more than $1 billion to a company it used to own. The deal with a CSL subsidiary, Seqeris, involved building a new vaccine manufacturing plant in Melbourne to produce vaccines for influenza and Q Fever, as well as anti-venenes for snake and spider bites. (It would have been kind of handy to have a government entity researching a vaccine for Covid, wouldn’t it? Ed.)

When the Keating Government privatised Commonwealth Serum Laboratories in 1994, the share price of $2.30 was a ‘spectacular bargain’, Prof Quiggin wrote. Investors got their money back 500 times over. That beat even the Commonwealth Bank float, where investors got about 50 times their money back.

The reason the price was so low was, in part, that CSL was not a household name. Prof Quiggin and Independent Australia colleague Clive Hamilton investigated this float, concluding it was “one of the worst privatisations entered into by the government.

Socialist rhetoric aside (not that it’s a bad thing), those who bought CSL shares at $2.30 and acquired more as the price improved are now sitting on a pharmaceutical gold mine. The shares are currently worth $295 and earlier this year almost cracked $320. CSL pays a paltry dividend (0.90% yield) but I doubt it would bother anyone who bought 2000 CSL shares at $2.30 (now worth about $220,000).

There you have it, dear reader, a brief time travel experience back to the heady days of privatisations, done so governments could reduce debt and avoid future financial liability.

I clearly recall banking sixpence a week (half my pocket money), clutching my passbook as if it was a passport to the future. Maybe you had one too.

Disclaimer: The author is a customer of on-line broker Commsec, a CommBank subsidiary, from which a lot of the research was derived.

 

 

 

Don’t touch my dividends, Dude

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Photo: “How will we afford dog food without the franking credits from our dividends?” pixabay.com, CC Mike Flynn

There have been few occasions when dividends made it on to the front pages or lead item TV news. The first time was when Treasurer Paul Keating introduced the dividend imputation scheme in 1987, largely as a way of eliminating the double-taxing of company dividends. From that day, Australian investors were given franking credits on the dividends they received on their shares. This had the welcome effect of boosting the investment return for the investor or super fund.  It was just the sort of incentive needed to encourage Australians to prepare for their retirement and aim to become self-funded retirees.

Keating’s scheme did not, however, include the cash refund of the franking credit component of the dividend, which was introduced by John Howard and Peter Costello in 2001.

The second time dividend imputation was ‘trending’ was last week when Opposition Leader Bill Shorten said if Labor gets back into power he would scrap the current system. While emphasising Labor would keep dividend imputation, he said the plan was to scrap excess cash refunds on tax that was never paid in the first place,

The main targets are people with super fund balances of $1 million and more. There are plenty of those distributed among the large super fund managers but also around 30% of the self-managed fund sector are in that category.

In 2017, 1.12 million Australians were members of a self-managed super fund. There were almost 600,000 funds with assets totalling $696.7 billion. About 30% of SMSF assets are held in Australian shares, the ones that pay fully franked (tax-paid) dividends to investors.

What Mr Shorten’s plan appears to lack is a sliding scale which would exempt retirees whose fund balance is below a certain threshold or whose franking credit refunds are below the average ($5,000 a year).

A 2015 study which set out to debunk the myth that one needs a minimum $1 million to retire said that half of Australia’s workers approaching retirement have less than $100,000 in super. Three years hence, the proportionate numbers won’t have changed that much. The study by the Australian Institute of Superannuation Trustees (AIST) sets out to educate people that super is designed to work in tandem with the aged pension and that it’s OK to do that. Even a low super balance of $150,000 can nicely augment your pension.

Yet Bill Shorten says some funds are paying zero tax but picking up a $2.5 million refund cheque. At face value, that would seem to be a loophole worth closing. But at the other end of the scale are individual SMSF members with low fund balances who are undoubtedly already receiving a Centrelink part-pension. The shortfall caused by scrapping cash refunds on dividends will inevitably be recovered via a tweaking of government pension calculations on income and assets. Those who do not qualify for the pension will lose the lot.

Just how important a subject this is for retirees is shown in the Association of Superannuation Funds of Australia (ASFA) superannuation statistics: 1.427 million individuals received regular superannuation income in 2015-2016. Weekly payments averaged from $328 (term annuity), $496 (account-based) and $616 (defined benefit). Franking credit refunds on dividends from the ATO no doubt contributed to these payments.

Some industry super funds have come out in favour of Labor’s plan, but there is plenty of opposition, though so far there is no detail on which to base a counter argument.

ASFA says the proposal could have a significant impact on low-income retirees both inside and outside the superannuation system.

Chief executive Dr Martin Fahy said the system already has a $1.6 million cap in the retirement phase and reforms to superannuation and  retirement funding are working but they need time to bed down.

“If there is a concern about individuals with large retirement savings receiving the benefit of refundable imputation credits then this would be better addressed by measures more closely linked to retirement balance,” he said.

Currently, the Australian Taxation Office demands that if SMSF Trustees draw a Simple Pension, it must be a minimum 5% of assets (rising through increments to 14% for those aged 95 and over (!). For example, a fund with two members under the age of 80 and a balance of $450,000 must pay its members a minimum of $25,000 p.a. Providing their other assessable assets and/or income is under the threshold, they can also receive a part pension from Centrelink which could bump their annual income to around $45,000, (somewhere between a modest living and a comfortable retirement). The upside (for the country) in this fiscal strategy is that earnings will (hopefully) keep the members’ balances in the black for as long as possible. This in itself eases the burden on the aged pension system.

And if you need extra cash for a car, a bucket list trip to the Antarctic or to pay a ransom to a hacker, you can take a lump sum. If you’re Homeland’s Carrie Matheson, track down the troll, beat him up and demand he unlock the computer. (He just threw that in for light relief, Ed).

Policy on the run

You will forgive me for liberally quoting other sources on this thorny subject. The ALP has not published a policy paper or issued a media release. The only thing you will find is on Mr Shorten’s website, tucked away under the category: ‘Bill’s Opinion Pieces’.

I initially found Bill’s piece on a website run by the authority on all things super, Trish Power. Power, starting from the same position as all, except for Fairfax Media, which ‘has seen’ a policy draft, suggests it has all the hallmarks of ‘policy on the run’.

Trish Power’s website is a good place to visit if you want to avoid the scaremongering stories in the tabloids and current affairs TV. I bought a copy of her book “DIY Super for Dummies” and found it invaluable when starting our SMSF back in 2006. It may be overstating to say the promise of franking credit refunds was one of the attractions, but nonetheless it was.

Power and other guest writers are following this story while it remains a live issue so if you have a vested interest, here’s the link:

It does seem as if Bill Shorten is hanging his hat on this particular peg and plans to leave it there.

“When this (cash refund) first came in, it cost Australian taxpayers about $500 million a year,” he wrote. “Within the next few years, it’s going to cost $8 billion a year, more than the Commonwealth spends on public schools or childcare. It’s three times what we spend on the Australian Federal Police.”

You can see where he is shining his head torch when he writes that 50% of tax refunds go to SMSFs with balances of more than $2.4 million. Fine, stick it to the top end of town, but look further into this dodgy policy, Bill, and you will see that unless you giveretirees on modest incomes a break, they will be forced to rely more on the public purse. They will resent that and in turn resent you.

FOMM back pages: http://bobwords.com.au/super-end-week/